Richard Hanson - The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God » From Daniel to Revelation

This is my summary of the book by R.P.C. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God: The Arian Controversy, 318-381. “RH” in the quotes below refers to this book. I sometimes also quote from:

LA – Lewis Ayres, Nicaea and its Legacy, An Approach to Fourth-Century Trinitarian Theology, 2004

I just started this project.

Arians or Eusebians

The anti-Nicene are usually called ‘Arians’ by Hanson and other major scholars agree that that is a completely inappropriate title. See – Athanasius invented Arianism. Arius was a member, albeit an extreme member, of the Eusebian camp. For that reason, Ayres refers to the anti-Nicene as ‘Eusebians’. When not quoting, I will follow that practice.

23 The Council of Constantinople of 381

This chapter describes the conditions leading up to the Council of Constantinople in 381.

23.1 Imperial Policy before the Council

This first section discusses the views and influence of the emperors at that time:

Valens

“Valens (364-378) … was a convinced Homoian Arian. … When he thought it feasible he used his power to promote his favourite doctrine and suppress others.” For example, “he banished Gregory from Nyssa” but “did not dislodge Basil in Caesarea nor Athanasius in Alexandria.” (RH, 791) “His chosen ecclesiastical advisers … were no friends to Neo-Arianism.” (RH, 791-2) “But his efforts at persecution were sporadic and unpredictable.” (RH, 792)

“A particular target of Valens’ harassment was Meletius, that Benedict Arnold (betrayer) of the Homoian party.” (RH, 792) “In 370 or 371, under pressure from a renewed policy of enforcing theological uniformity on the part of Valens, Meletius again retired from Antioch to his estate in Armenia, where we have met him already conferring with Basil and Theodotus.” (RH, 792) Hanson refers to “Basil’s friendship with Meletius.” (RH, 792-3) “Meletius returned from his last exile in 378.” (RH, 793)

Valentinian

“Valentinian (364-375), the brother and co-emperor of Valens, tried not to involve himself … in quarrels among the Christians.” (RH, 793)

“If we are to trust Theodoret, Valentinian committed himself strenuously to the pro-Nicene cause when he presided over a church council somewhere in Illyricum … which produced a resoundingly pro-Homoousian statement. … But … it seems preferable … (to) dismiss the whole passage as wholly untrustworthy” (RH, 793-4)

Gratian

“Gratian was formally made Augustus when he was eight years old, in 367, but he only exercised power from 375 onwards, on the death of his father Valentinian, when he was sixteen. … Until 379 he followed the policy of non-intervention in ecclesiastical affairs practised by his father. In 378, he … issued an Edict declaring toleration for all the diverse views of Christian parties except Manichees, Photinians and Eunomians.” (RH, 794)

“But next year (379) … he was perhaps influenced by the series of sermons which Ambrose was … delivering against those who deny the divinity of the Holy Spirit.” (RH, 795) “Gratian had come to regard Ambrose as his guide, philosopher and friend. … It is … likely that, despite his admiration for Ambrose, he continued broadly his policy of tolerating within wide limits differences within Christianity at this period.” (RH, 795)

So, in conclusion, the emperors before the time of Theodosius were fairly tolerant of differing views. Tis in contrast to Theodosius’ approach, discussed below.

23.2 Abortive Attempts at Agreement

This section discusses developments in the Pro-Nicene camp during the years before Theodosius. This is important because, already in the year before the Council of Constantinople in 381, emperor Theodosius made the Trinity doctrine the state religion of the Roman Empire and outlawed all other forms of Christianity. The question arises, which theologian advised Theodosius? Clearly, it was a Pro-Nicene theologian but Hanson describes two factions in the pro-Nicene camp leading up to Theodosius’ edicts. The question is, which of those two factions advised Theodosius?

Liberius

Liberius, bishop of Rome (died 366), on returning to his see after his … exile, remained quiescent, as far as we know, until Constantius was dead (361) and the Homoian Arian party no longer securely in control of ecclesiastical affairs, before he made any important move.” (RH, 795-6)

In “the year 362 or 363 … he issued a Letter to the Bishops of Italy … inviting them to return to the true faith and accept N. It regarded the Council of Ariminum as a disastrous lapse into heresy.” (RH, 796)

Damasus

“Liberius died in 366. He was succeeded by Damasus, an adherent of the party of Felix, not of Liberius, and he only succeeded after fierce fighting between the two factions. He reached the see of Rome by walking over the corpses of the faction-fighters.” (RH, 796)

“Damasus … was a convinced, indeed an aggressive, supporter of Nicene doctrine. He quickly began to devote his energies to suppressing Arianism and promoting the cause of the proponents of N.” (RH, 796)

“Within a few years (after Nicaea) there is a near-fifteen year absence before the creed is mentioned again.” (LA, 100) But it was brought back into the debate as part of what Ayres calls Athanasius’ “masterpiece of the rhetorical art.” (LA, 106-7) See Ayres 5.1 The Creation of ‘Arianism’. The fact that Damasus defends the Nicene Creed indicates Athanasius’ influence.

Damasus, however, was not able to eliminate all opposition to the Nicene Creed. For example, he “never succeeded in deposing these three bishops (Auxentius, Ursacius, and Valens) who continued to hold their sees serenely until their deaths.” (RH, 797)

Factions within the Pro-Nicene Camp

“Determined, but sadly ineffectual efforts were made by Basil of Caesarea to bring about reconciliation and consensus in the East and between the East and the West between the years 371 and 377.” (RH, 797)

However, that was not limited to disagreements between Pro-Nicene and Anti-Nicenes. Hanson’s focus is specifically on two factions within the Pro-Nicene camp. He spends a few pages on what he calls an “apparently fruitless interchange between these two eminent men (Damasus and Basil).” (RH, 800) Both of them were pro-Nicene.

The leaders of the one faction were mainly Damasus, bishop of Rome, and Athanasius. On the other side was mainly Basil, bishop of Caesarea.

Personalities

Hanson says that the dispute between Damasus and Basil was partly due to personalities:

“We have already had occasion to remark upon at once the resemblance and the incompatibility of their temperaments.” Basil described Damasus as “a haughty man.” “Simonetti says of Damasus, ‘authoritarian and superficial.” (RH, 800)

But I will show below that the main reason for this split within the Pro-Nicene camp was that Damasus and Athanasius were one hypostasis (One Reality or Person) theologians while Basil believed in three hypostases (three Realities or Persons).

Evidence of Conflict

The following confirms that Damasus and Basil opposed one another:

Damasus stated “that Basil’s letters addressed to the West were returned as unacceptable.” (RH, 798)

“A confession of faith (was sent) from Damasus which Basil was to sign without altering a single word.” “Basil replied to this demand in a polite but biting letter.” (RH, 798)

Basil and Athanasius also opposed one another:

“Basil writes letters to Athanasius asking him to approach Damasus and assist Basil’s overtures. None of them was answered and nothing came of them.” (RH, 797)

Three Hypostases

The following shows that, while Damasus was a one hypostasis theologian, Basil and his friend Meletius believed in three hypostases:

In a letter to Basil, “Damasus sent a very cool reply … conveying a considerable theological statement on the ousia and the personae which deliberately avoided making any statement about the three hypostases. It was the adhesion of Basil, Meletius and their followers to this doctrine of the hypostases which caused Damasus … to suspect them of heresy.” (RH, 798)

The Bishop of Antioch

The two factions disagreed about who the rightful bishop of Antioch was. This also reveals that the dispute was primarily about the number of hypostases in the Godhead. Damasus and Athanasius supported Paulinus because he was a ‘one hypostasis’ theologian, while Basil opposed Paulinus for that same reason.

Damasus’ support for Paulinus:

In 375, Damasus wrote a letter which “constituted also an official recognition of Paulinus, not Meletius, as bishop of Antioch.” (RH, 799)

Paulinus was “Marcellan/Sabellian.” (RH, 799) He derived “his tradition in continuity from Eustathius who had been bishop about forty years before” (RH, 800-1).

“The fragments of Eustathius that survive present a doctrine that is close to Marcellus, and to Alexander and Athanasius. Eustathius insists there is only one hypostasis.“ (LA, 69)

Athanasius’ support for Paulinus:

Basil and Athanasius also disputed over who the rightful bishop of Antioch was; Meletius or Paulinus:

“Basil would not desert Meletius and Athanasius would not recognize him (Meletius) as bishop of Antioch.” (RH, 797)

Paulinus “was recognized as legitimate bishop of Antioch by Athanasius. Later, Athanasius’ successor Peter extended the same recognition to him and persuaded Damasus to do the same.” (RH, 801)

Damasus was a generation younger than Athanasius but note the link in the previous quote between them through Athanasius’ successor Peter. This is confirmed by the following quote:

“In May 373 Athanasius died, Peter his successor was driven out, fled to Rome, and proceeded to poison the mind of Damasus against Basil and Meletius.” (RH, 798)

Basil opposed Paulinus

But Basil opposed Paulinus because Paulinus taught only one hypostasis:

“Paulinus was a rival of Basil’s friend and ally Meletius. … Basil suspected that Paulinus was at heart a Sabellian, believing in only one Person (hypostasis) in the Godhead. Paulinus’ association with the remaining followers of Marcellus and his continuing to favour the expression ‘one hypostasis’ … rendered him suspect.” (RH, 801)

This quote also confirms that Basil believed in three hypostases. See also my question – Did the Cappadocians teach one or two substances?

Support for Marcellans

The theologies of Damasus, Athanasius, and Basil are also reflected in their support or opposition to the Marcellans. The ”watch-word” of “these disciples of Marcelius … had always been ‘only one hypostasis in the Godhead’.” (RH, 802)

Since they believed in only one hypostasis, Damasus and Athanasius supported the Marcellans:

Basil wrote a letter which “contained some shafts directed at Damasus because of his toleration of Eustathius and the Marcellans.” (RH, 799)

“Basil was never sure in his own mind that Athanasius had abandoned Marcellus of Ancyra and his followers.” (RH, 797)

“In a letter written to Athanasius he (Basil of Caesarea) complains that the Westerners have never brought any accusation against Marcellus.” (RH, 802)

“About the year 371 adherents of Marcellus approached Athanasius, presenting to him a statement of faith. … He accepted it and gave them a document expressing his agreement with their doctrine.” (RH, 801)

The Question

So, given these two factions within the Pro-Nicene camp; one supporting three hypostases (Basil and Meletius) and one supporting only one hypostasis (Athanasius and Damasus), on which of these two factions did Theodosius rely for his theology? Given Theodosius’ description of the Trinity doctrine in the imperial edicts, was Theodosius’ theology similar to Damasus’ one hypostasis theology or Basil’s three hypostasis theology?

Hanson closes the section by saying, finally, “he (Basil) finally accepted them (the Marcellans) as orthodox.” (RH, 802) Did Basil later accept a ‘one hypostasis’-theology?

23.3 The Beginning of a Consensus

“Damasus had held several councils in Rome in the decade 370-380 … and finally that which produced the Tomus Damasi in 377 or 378. Though he never lost an opportunity in his official utterances to make a hit at Meletius, Damasus’ doctrine in fact was far from uncongenial to the minds of pro-Nicene bishops in the East.” (RH, 802-3)

Our sources for “the council which Meletius convened at Antioch in 379 … are curiously meagre.” (RH, 803) “We do not know what statement this council promulgated, but it must have been one favouring the cause of the Council of Nicaea and indicating that the Western bishops were in agreement with this policy. It certainly was intended to indicate to the newly-created Eastern Emperor Theodosius the way in which many influential people in the East hoped that he would move.” (RH, 803-4)

[In the previous section, Hanson described the rivalry between Damasus and Meletius. The previous paragraph implies that Theodosius learned his theology from Meletius.

Theodosius’ father, “also called Theodosius, had been a general in the imperial army who had given distinguished service in suppressing rebellions and restoring order.” (RH, 804)

Theodosius “was declared Emperor and Augustus (i.e. equal with, not subordinate to, Gratian) on January 19th 379.” (RH, 804)

“In February 380, when he was residing in Thessalonica, he issued an edict known as Cunetos Populos which declared the proNicene doctrine of the Trinity to be the official doctrine of the Roman Empire, and named Damasus of Rome and Peter of Alexandria as the two episcopal norms of doctrine. … His subjects were ordered to believe ‘the single divinity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit within (sub) an equal majesty and an orthodox (pia) Trinity’. Heretics would be punished.” (RH, 804)

“On November 24th 380 he entered Constantinople and instantly … the Arian bishop of that city … Demophilus … was driven out of the city. At about the same time the Arian Lucius was chased out of Alexandria.” (RH, 804-5)

“In January 381 Meletius … entered Constantinople. It seems likely that he had already concerted a plan with Theodosius.” (RH, 805) [Again, the implication of a link between Meletius and Theodosius)

“On January 10th Theodosius issued an edict … known as Nullis haereticis. No church was to be occupied for worship by any heretics, no heretics were to gather together for worship within the walls of any town.” (RH, 805)

“The correct Nicene faith was described … as: ‘He who professes the Nicene faith … who confesses God Almighty and Christ his Son in one Name … who does not blaspheme the Holy Spirit … by denying him … the undivided substance … of the pure Trinity” (RH, 805)

Hanson does not say who prepared these statements for Theodosius. In the previous section (chapter 23.2), Hanson describes the rivalry between two groups in the Pro-Nicene camp, with Damasus of Rome and Meletius of Antioch as the leaders of the two factions. For the following reasons, I believe that Theodosius’ theology was derived from Athanasius via Damasus:

Theodosius’ theology seems ‘One Reality’ in form. It refers to “’the single divinity” and “the undivided substance.” It does not offer any language to distinguish between the Father, Son, and Spirit. So, this is not Basil’s ‘Three Reality’-theology.

Theodosius explicitly refers to “Damasus of Rome and Peter of Alexandria as the two episcopal norms of doctrine.” I assume, therefore, that Theodosius learned his theology from them and both of them were influenced by Athanasius.

Theodosius’ statement “does not require … an acceptance of a belief in the divinity of the Holy Spirit” = Basil or both?

In the next section, the meeting began with Meletius as chair but he soon ‘died’. In his place as bishop of Antioch, Gregory, who the emperor accepted as bishop of Constantinople, proposed Paulinus, who was the leader of the ‘one hypostasis’ party in Antioch

“Perhaps the most remarkable point about this statement is that it does not require, at least on the surface, an acceptance of a belief in the divinity of the Holy Spirit.” (RH, 805)

“The Emperor next summoned a council of the Eastern Church (not including Egypt) to meet in May in Constantinople.” (RH, 805)

23.4 The Council of Constantinople

“The Council of Constantinople met during May, June and July 381.” (RH, 805)

“Only about 150 bishops attended and they appear to have been carefully chosen from areas which would be friendly to Meletius, who was its president, that is areas under the influence of the see of Antioch.” (RH, 806) Hanson refers to the “tenuous contact which the council might have been thought to have with the see of Rome.” (RH, 807)

“Theodosius welcomed the participants in his magnificent throne-room in the Imperial palace, but the Council did not meet there. … After receiving the bishops, Theodosius did not appear at any session of the Council, but remained in the wings, as it were, holding a watching brief.” (RH, 806)

“The first act of the Council was to affirm that Gregory of Nazianzus was the Catholic and legitimate bishop of Constantinople.” (RH, 806)

“During the council Meletius suddenly died, and Gregory of Constantinople was chosen to succeed him as president of the council. Gregory wanted the council to elect Paulinus in place of Meletius as bishop of Antioch, but it preferred to choose Flavian. … Exasperated … Gregory resigned both as president of the council and as bishop of Constantinople. In his place the bishops of the council chose an unbaptised catechumen, an imperial civil servant, Nectarius, who then became president of the council. The council re-affirmed N but also produced the creed C.” (RH, 807)

“Paulinus had been for years steadily supported by Damasus and Peter against Meletius, the leader of the party of the Easterners at the council.” (RH, 810)

Flavian was “a prominent presbyter of the party of Paulinus.” (RH, 810)

Considering the previous sections, it seems as if the ‘one hypostasis’ faction won the day and that Meletius chaired the meeting under duress

The council agreed that “the bishop of Constantinople is to enjoy precedence in honour next after the bishop of Rome because it is the New Rome’.” (RH, 808)

“The Council found itself in a quandary over the choice of a new bishop of the capital city. … They finally picked … an unbaptised layman, Nectarius, who had been praetor urbanus in Constantinople. It was as if today the cardinals had chosen as Pope … the mayor of Rome. The Egyptians and Westerners could not object because they had acquiesced seven years ago at the choice for the important see of Milan of an unbaptised officer in the imperial service, Ambrose. Nectarius was … the protege of Diodore … supporting the Eustathian cause in Antioch.” (RH, 811) This is an indication of the control which the emperor exercised over the meeting.